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Author: WeBalkans

From childhood libraries to youth activism: Why I volunteer

Written by WeBalkans on . Posted in YEA Blogs.

Written by YEA Alumni My volunteering story did not start with some fancy project, nor with the big idea of ​​”changing the world”. It started in elementary school, in the library. I was repairing old and damaged books. Glue, cardboard and worn covers that had to be saved – that’s all. Neither then or now, no one understood why I was doing it. Honestly, I never had a right answer, just the feeling that it’s so nice for me and that I should. I never saw volunteering as free labor. I have always associated volunteering with activism and for the need to contribute to society, but also to get something back. For me, volunteering means an exchange: you give time, energy and ideas in return you learn, grow, meet people and get to make mistakes without fear. So, in this blog, I want to answer a simple question: Why do I volunteer? People It might sound cliché, but it’s true: the most valuable thing volunteering gives you is people. New connections, meaningful relationships, people who inspire you and challenge you in ways that textbooks and offices never can. Learning without pressure When you do a “real” job – you have a salary, a contract and constant pressure to know more, better and faster. Volunteering is different. There is responsibility, but there is no such fear. It was through volunteering that I learned without panic and tried out roles that I didn’t know were mine and grew without someone constantly measuring me. And that’s a luxury you rarely get anywhere. If you’re thinking, “Not everyone can afford to volunteer,” that’s true. But almost everyone can dedicate two hours per week to something different. And that’s why I always choose volunteering and recommend it to young people. Because of its informality, volunteering gave me the opportunity to be skilled in many areas. I worked in communication, event organization, facilitation, negotiation, and public speaking. Not because it was my position, but because someone believed in me and gave me the space to learn and make mistakes. And through that, I learned more than if I had been doing just one thing for years. How volunteering pushes you later Many opportunities for youth came to me precisely through volunteering. It was not part of my well-developed plan or some hidden agenda. It just felt natural. Only later do you realize that you have gained experience, built a network and gained confidence. This is very important when you are at the beginning of your career and freshly graduated student. Once you fill your CV with different activities and experience from the volunteering project you will thank yourself.

From repairing books to now

Even though I have a full-time job and adult responsibilities, I still volunteer. Not because I have to, but because it’s fun, fulfilling, and sometimes, that’s enough.

One investigation in North Macedonia that refused to stop

Written by WeBalkans on . Posted in Stories.

Interview with Aleksandar Dimitrievski and Mihail Milosevski

Over the past few weeks, the Western Balkan countries have been celebrating investigative journalism. Professional juries across Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, Albania, North Macedonia, and Kosovo have gathered to evaluate some of the most compelling investigative journalism pieces.

We spoke to all first-prize winners across the region, and will publish the interviews with them in series. Through this series that we have titled “EU Celebrates Investigative Journalism in the Western Balkans” we want to celebrate these exemplary journalists and get to know more about their investigation practices, the urgency of addressing these issues in their country as well as their reflections on the position of investigative journalism in their country and in the region at large.

In North Macedonia, the jury comprising Valentin Neshovski, Sonja Delevska, and Ognjen Zorić, awarded Aleksandar Dimitrievski and Mihail Milosevski from 360 stepeni the first prize for their piece Following Julia’s Footsteps, an investigation exposing abuse of power at the top of national security and revealing how those tasked with upholding the law misused their positions.

Aleksandar Dimitrievski is a journalist, editor and one of the co-founders of “360 stepeni”, a TV production company that publishes the online portal www.360stepeni.mk and the TV show “360 stepeni”, which currently airs on the public broadcaster.

His main engagements before “360 stepeni” were in the newsrooms of TV Alsat-M and Alfa TV, both privately owned television stations with national coverage. He is also an author of several publications and stories published by local or regional publishers. In the past few years, he was also actively involved as a lecturer in short-term programs and projects for development of young journalists, as well as programs for development of media literacy teaching in public education system.

Dimitrievski won the first prize of the EU Delegation award in Skopje in 2016. In 2024 he won the first prize of the “Nikola Mladenov” award for investigative journalism, and the third prize of the EU Delegation award in Tirana (as a co-author), among several other awards and recognitions.

Mihail Miloshevski is an acclaimed journalist with experience in investigative and multimedia reporting. Committed to ethical journalism and fighting disinformation, Mihail’s impactful work has earned him significant recognition, including the First Prize in the European Union Award for Investigative Journalism (2025) and the UNDP Award for creativity and ethics.

WeBalkans: What was your process of investigation for the piece “Following Julia’s footsteps”, abuse of power in state institutions, security ones included, is quite common in the region. Given this context, the investigation you undertook is quite sensitive. What were the risks you undertook in your process?

Aleksandar Dimitrievski & Mihail Milosevski: The investigative piece exposed a critical case of systemic credential fraud and ignorance towards rule of law involving high-ranking official in Macedonia. The story’s core finding was that the claim of the head of the State Agency for National Security (ANB), Mr. Bojan Hristovski, that he holds a valid TOEFL English language certificate issued in 2022 from a Bulgarian entity, “Julija Ko. DOO” located in Plovdiv, could not be true. A valid certificate for sufficient knowledge of English is a prerequisite for the appointment of a head of the Agency. Presenting a false certificate is a criminal deed in the country.

The first questions regarding the validity of Mr. Hristovski TOEFL certificate were already in the public sphere, when he agreed to an interview for “360 stepeni” on several topics. Questioned, why did he had the exam in Plovdiv (six hours of driving from Skopje and in a different country), he answered – because the waiting list was the shortest. He also said, although indirectly, that the entity in Plovdiv is recognized as a TOEFL center in Macedonian bylaws.

After the interview we tried the simplest way for verification of the facts – by calling the school in Plovdiv. It was clear from the start that we are not dealing with a regular school or an exam center as nobody answered. So, we started a comprehensive check of publicly available data, both in Macedonia and Bulgaria. The data from the Bulgarian Business register gave us the location of the HQ of the company, but also the names and locations of other business ventures of the owner of “Julia Ko. DOO”. We went to Plovdiv and found out that it’s been years since “Julia Ko. DOO” have moved out from their official address, and that there is no sign of a school or an exam center with that name whatsoever. It was the same thing with the related/connected companies. The owner, we were said, lives in Greece for several years. Quickly afterwards, while digging through the public databases, we found a document in the Bulgarian Business Register that “Julija Ko.DOO” doesn’t have any income from the year 2017. In the same time, we found out that the entity in question is NOT recognized as a valid TOEFL exam center in Macedonia. We also found Macedonian court cases in which lower ranking officials were convicted on suspended prison sentences for using false TOEFL certificates from the exact same entity “Julija Ko.DOO”.

In general, this was not a story of abuse of power by the head of the Agency for National Security. It was more a story about the lack of rule of law in the country, even among the ones that are given the confidence to deal with the most delicate of matters in the society. And, while it looks dangerous to shake the chair of the head of secret agency in the country, it won’t be fair if don’t admit that it wasn’t. The main reason for that outcome, we believe, is our rigorous and very careful approach towards the facts and their presentation. We tried very hard not to fall in the trap to assume things, as the smallest mistake might have compromised the credibility of everything else.

WeBalkans: What are your thoughts on the position of journalism at large in the region today, and especially of investigative journalism. In regions like Western Balkans, it seems like the need for independent investigative journalism is even more urgent, whereas pressure towards journalists and investigative journalism is at the same time higher and ever-more present. What are your thoughts on this?

Aleksandar Dimitrievski & Mihail Milosevski: In a region where the judiciary and accountability mechanisms are frequently compromised or politically captured, journalists often serve as the last effective democratic check and balance. Unfortunately, less and less journalist have the chance to serve that public mission in the WB as the traditional media are less and less able (or willing) to sponsor quality in-depth and investigative journalism, and the new media are more infotainment oriented.

To put it more bluntly, Investigative journalism on the Balkans is dying out. Not because of threats and violence towards journalists, but because it is increasingly financially unsustainable. Look no further for proof than the winners of the EU Award in the past years. It’s mostly the smaller donor funded outlets that are keeping the ideal alive. And there is nothing in the horizon that seems it can really solve the problem.

Where Is Sara How Investigative Journalism Fights for Answers

Written by WeBalkans on . Posted in Stories.

Interview with Jelena Jevtić and Mubarek Asani

Over the past few weeks, the Western Balkan countries have been celebrating investigative journalism. Professional juries across Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, Albania, North Macedonia, and Kosovo have gathered to evaluate some of the most compelling investigative journalism pieces.

We spoke to all first-prize winners across the region, and will publish the interviews with them in series. Through this series that we have titled “EU Celebrates Investigative Journalism in the Western Balkans” we want to celebrate these exemplary journalists and get to know more about their investigation practices, the urgency of addressing these issues in their country as well as their reflections on the position of investigative journalism in their country and in the region at large.

In Bosnia and Herzegovina, the jury comprising Davor Glavaš, Lejla Turčilo and Vuk Vučetić awarded the first prize to Jelena Jevtic and Mubarek Asani’s Where is Sara, a documentary uncovering the tragic disappearance of a newborn baby at the University Clinical Center of Republika Srpska and exposing unanswered questions about her fate.

Jelena Jevtić holds a Journalism degree from the Faculty of Political Sciences at the University of Banja Luka. Before joining the Center for Investigative Reporting (CIN) in Sarajevo in 2017, she worked as a reporter for BNTV, the Helsinki Committee for Human Rights, the “Novi Talas” portal, TV Arena, Nezavisne novine, and Fokus. At CIN, Jelena worked as an investigative reporter, focusing on issues such as corruption, organized crime, abuse of office, and other social matters. She has also contributed to the development of CIN’s online databases aimed at promoting transparency and accountability in government institutions, particularly in areas such as asset declarations and public procurement.

 

Mubarek Asani is an investigative journalist and producer. He studied political science at the University of Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina. In 2003, he was awarded an EU scholarship for a one-year journalism study, which he graduated as the most successful television journalist. His thesis focusing on minorities rights in Bosnia and Herzegovina, was presented through a short documentary TV titled “Confession of the Shadows”. After graduation he was invited to be a lecturer at the same journalism study course in Sarajevo. During his career, Asani took over complex journalistic tasks such as those on drug trafficking, tobacco smuggling, terrorism, prostitution, judicial crime, election vote-trading, and illegal exploitation of natural resources. He has been working for the Center for Investigative Reporting (CIN) since 2007.

 

WeBalkans: How did you come across the story of Sara, and what was your process of investigation? This is a documentary piece that required you to be in proximity with your subjects (Sara’s parents), what kind of ethical boundaries did you have in mind in this process.

Jelena Jevtic & Mubarek Asani: The story found its way to us. After Aleksandra (the mother) had fought unsuccessfully with the institutions in search of her baby, after she had even reported the case to the prosecutor’s office and received no answers from their investigation, she contacted CIN based on someone’s recommendation. She told us a short version of her story during that first phone call. She was upset and exhausted from everything.

From the beginning, we knew this was a story that demanded sensitivity, depth, and time. Our investigative process began with months of background research—reviewing police reports and medical records to understand what had already been said and, more importantly, what had been left out.

By analyzing the documentation, we realized that the authorities, during their investigation, had focused mainly on the mother Aleksandra’s pregnancy, on the procedures applied during her stay at the University Clinical Center of Banja Luka, paying particular attention to the events and their timeline on the day of the birth. But what stood out to us was that no one in the investigation had asked the most obvious question: where is the baby?

For us, the events from the moment the hospital informed the father, Miloš, that the baby had died—the way they did it, why they did not inform the mother who was there in the hospital, lying in their ward, why they did not allow her to see her child, alive or dead, and, most strangely of all, how the hospital allegedly took it upon itself to bury the baby without the parents’ knowledge—all of that was deeply troubling.

According to procedure, the parents must give written consent for a burial. That did not happen in this case. The hospital, in cooperation with the city cemetery, buried the baby without the parents’ knowledge. We focused our investigation on that part of the story—and we proved they were not telling the truth. Moreover, we questioned the objectivity of the investigation itself, because you must admit it is unusual that an investigation would focus on hospital procedures and whether the mother was treated properly during her stay there, while completely ignoring the question of where the baby’s body was.

This was the shared point of the problem that brought us together with Sara’s parents, Aleksandra and Miloš. Building trust with them was a slow and careful process. We were constantly aware that for them, this was not just a story — it was their lived trauma.

We made it clear to them that their participation in the film was essential, that they could not set boundaries regarding what would be filmed or discussed, and that their real emotional states were crucial for the documentary—real, not staged or exaggerated. Every emotional moment you see from Aleksandra and Miloš in the film represents their genuine, everyday emotional experience of our investigative process—it was not directed or prearranged. The best example of this is the moment when we confront Aleksandra with the DNA analysis results after the exhumation of the second grave. Jelena and I already knew what the envelope contained—we knew the DNA results. But Aleksandra did not. We only told her to be ready at home because we were coming with the results and that we didn’t know what was inside. What Aleksandra goes through on camera after opening that envelope is real, raw, and true—it was not staged. Our goal was to show how systemic failures intersect in real lives.

Unfortunately, we still haven’t found Sara, but we proved that she was not buried, that the hospital and the city cemetery are concealing something related to this case, and we compelled the prosecutor’s office to reopen the investigation.

In the end, Sara became more than an investigation—it became an act of bearing witness, highlighting the urgent need for stronger mechanisms to protect children. The film Where Is Sara sparked a powerful response not only from the public but also from those responsible for law enforcement. The prosecutor’s office had to reopen the case immediately after the film was released. Some called it “the fastest reaction of a prosecutor’s office acting ex officio, based on a journalistic investigation.” Questions were raised and debates opened in local parliaments, demanding that the executive authorities finally resolve the case.

The greatest success we achieved through this investigation was precisely that—we forced the prosecutor’s office, after closing the initial investigation, to open a new one. And most importantly, today the prosecutor’s office, to close this case, must answer the question Where is Sara?

WeBalkans: What are your thoughts on the position of journalism at large in the region today, and especially of investigative journalism. In regions like Western Balkans, it seems like the need for independent investigative journalism is even more urgent, whereas pressure towards journalists and investigative journalism is at the same time higher and ever-more present. What are your thoughts on this?

 

Jelena Jevtic & Mubarek Asani: In the Western Balkans today, journalism finds itself in a paradoxical position: it’s simultaneously more necessary than ever and more fragile than ever. Watchdog institutions such as the judiciary, anti-corruption agencies or regulatory bodies, are either under political control or suffer from chronic underfunding and inefficiency.

 

That means investigative journalists have taken on the role of informal accountability mechanisms, uncovering corruption, organized crime links, and abuse of power that might otherwise never come to light. This responsibility puts enormous strain on small teams and independent outlets that are often under-resourced and face legal harassment and smear campaigns.

When facts lead the way – Montenegro’s story through investigative journalism

Written by WeBalkans on . Posted in Stories.

Interview with Tatjana Ašanin and Nikola Milosavić Aleksić 

Over the past few weeks, the Western Balkan countries have been celebrating investigative journalism. Professional juries across Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, Albania, North Macedonia, and Kosovo have gathered to evaluate some of the most compelling investigative journalism pieces.

We spoke to all first-prize winners across the region, and will publish the interviews with them in series. Through this series that we have titled “EU Celebrates Investigative Journalism in the Western Balkans” we want to celebrate these exemplary journalists and get to know more about their investigation practices, the urgency of addressing these issues in their country as well as their reflections on the position of investigative journalism in their country and in the region at large.

In Montenegro, jury members Lamija Alečković, Marijana Camović Veličković, and Leila Bičakčić crowned Tatjana Ašanin and Nikola Milosavić Aleksić as winners for the second year in a row. Their documentary Target: The State of Relatives — different in topic from last year’s Murky Waters yet equally of high public interest — investigates how relatives of high-ranking state and local officials from ruling parties obtained well-paid public administration jobs after the 2020 elections.

Tatjana Ašanin is a veteran journalist at TV Vijesti. She first became known to audiences through Radio Antena-M, after which she moved to TV Vijesti to serve as Editor-in-Chief. Taking over when the station was on the brink of bankruptcy, she transformed it into the most-watched and trusted television station in the country. She held that position for nearly a decade. Today, she is the editor and host of the show Nedjelja u retrovizoru (Sunday in the Rearview Mirror).

Nikola Milosavić Aleksić is an investigative journalist with extensive international experience. He began his career in Slovenia as a correspondent for Planet TV covering the Slovenian coast. He continued his career at TV N1 – CNN exclusive news channel affiliate in Belgrade as an investigative journalist and producer, where he published numerous exclusive stories, including the revelation of secret contracts between the State of Serbia and the Italian car manufacturer FIAT, which had been classified for 15 years. After N1 Belgrade, he moved to TV Vijesti in Montenegro, working as an investigative journalist and editor of the investigative program. He has produced three investigative documentaries and is a two-time recipient of the EU Award for Investigative Journalism. He later moved from TV Vijesti to Al Jazeera, serving as their correspondent from Slovenia until the network ceased its operations in that specific market. He is currently employed at N1 Slovenia.

WeBalkans: What was your process of investigation for the piece “Target: The State of Relatives”. This is quite sensitive for a region like ours where employment of relatives in public institutions is ‘a public secret’. What were the risks you undertook in your process? A short overview of the piece and your investigative process is what we are looking for with this question.

Tatjana Ašanin & Nikola Milosavić Aleksić:  It has always been known that nepotism is a cancer of Montenegrin society, but the sheer scale of it remained unknown. When the government changed for the first time in Montenegro’s modern history after 30 years, the new political establishment promised a meritocracy. The reality was the exact opposite: not only was nepotism not eradicated, it was exacerbated by more than 5,000 new hires in public administration and state-owned enterprises.

Following our initial suspicions, the process involved hundreds of meetings with various sources across the entire country from north to south, east to west. Once we obtained the information, we conducted a thorough verification of all data and collected employment contracts. It was incredibly difficult to prove family ties beyond the immediate nuclear family, but we executed that aspect flawlessly.

The biggest obstacle was that state-owned companies were violating the Law on Free Access to Information. The director of the national power company even admitted on camera that they were consciously breaking the law by refusing to provide information to the media. This necessitated a longer production period as we had to gather evidence from secondary and tertiary sources. Securing interviewees was also a grueling part of the process, as potential subjects tried to impose conditions that we, as professionals, could not accept.

The film treats the subject of nepotism non-selectively, covering all parliamentary political parties, including those representing national minorities. In the film itself, we displayed over 100 employment contracts belonging to family members of the highest state officials, providing direct proof of nepotism multiple times. Although the Prosecutor’s Office announced an investigation, it has yet to materialize.

WeBalkans: This is the second time you are awarded the EU Investigative Journalism Award, your collaboration for “In Murky Waters”, was also awarded last year. How do you feel about that, and most importantly, what was it like to collaborate again? Do you feel like you share a mission in your work? 

Tatjana Ašanin & Nikola Milosavić Aleksić:  There is a significant gap in age and experience between us, but we are united by fundamental journalistic values: facts, truth, exclusivity, and most importantly results. When I came to the initial meeting with Tatjana, presented the evidence I had for the first film, and asked if she wanted to make a documentary, she said yes instantly, without hesitation.

The second film we made was her initiative, focusing on the abuse of the secret service for political purposes. The third film followed logically from the first two. In a world where free media is being suffocated and journalism is dying out, collaborating with Tatjana was exceptionally productive. Our work began as a partnership between two ambitious professionals and evolved into a sincere friendship, which is a rarity in the world of journalism.

WeBalkans: What are your thoughts on the position of journalism at large in the region today, and especially of investigative journalism. In regions like Western Balkans, it seems like the need for independent investigative journalism is even more urgent, whereas pressure towards journalists and investigative journalism is at the same time higher and ever-more present. What are your thoughts on this? 

Tatjana Ašanin & Nikola Milosavić Aleksić: Journalism in the region is dying, if it ever truly existed. The only two free television stations in Serbia are under immense pressure from a government attempting to shut them down and ban them, doing so both publicly and secretly through backroom deals with media owners. Specifically, Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić, aside from labeling journalists as terrorists, foreign mercenaries, and traitors, has arranged to take political control over media outlets belonging to United Media. This was revealed in a secret recording published by the international investigative network OCCRP.

United Media owns outlets in Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, Croatia, Slovenia, Bulgaria, Greece, and beyond. In almost every market where they operate, their media are examples of professionalism, yet they often stand alone in that status. The changes and scandals shaking United Media suggest that the Serbian government aims to control media across the entire region and extinguish the last independent voices in Serbia, Montenegro, and Bosnia and Herzegovina. The current regime is already attempting to subjugate the region through franchises like Euronews and Newsmax, which are owned by the state firm Telekom Srbija (Telecom Serbia). Furthermore, major professional outlets like Al Jazeera and Voice of America have largely neglected our region recently.

Journalists in the Western Balkans are targets of attacks, threats, and physical violence; a significant number live under 24-hour police protection. Consequently, investigative journalism in our area is at the lowest point in its history. By definition, investigative journalism targets crime, corruption, and the abuse of power, which is exactly why it bothers the political elite. The leaders of the Western Balkans have not moved far from the philosophy of Louis XIV and the maxim “I am the State”.

Our role as journalists is to prevent the total control of institutions by individuals and to promote democratic values, freedom, equality, and love. The Western Balkans is a region scarred by national hatred, and the only cure for this disease is journalism that strives for reconciliation, emancipation, and equality. Either we succeed, or the entire region will remain an isolated backwater on the map of Europe.

When investigative journalism exposed online harassment arrests followed

Written by WeBalkans on . Posted in Stories.

Interview with Ardiana Thaçi Mehmeti 

Over the past few weeks, the Western Balkan countries have been celebrating investigative journalism. Professional juries across Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, Albania, North Macedonia, and Kosovo have gathered to evaluate some of the most compelling investigative journalism pieces.

We spoke to all first-prize winners across the region, and will publish the interviews with them in series. Through this series that we have titled “EU Celebrates Investigative Journalism in the Western Balkans” we want to celebrate these exemplary journalists and get to know more about their investigation practices, the urgency of addressing these issues in their country as well as their reflections on the position of investigative journalism in their country and in the region at large.

Kosovo was the latest to announce the winners. Jury members Anamari Repić, Jeton Mehmeti and Kosovë Gjoci awarded the first prize to Ardiana Thaçi Mehmeti for her series “Albkings” presented at Kiks Kosova. Thaçi Mehmeti refers to this investigation as a combination of professional documentation, personal resilience, and public exposure. Albkings looks into digital safety of women and uncovers an organized online harassment campaign mainly against women journalists.

Ardiana Thaçi Mehmeti is an investigative journalist, author, and television producer. With over 20 years of experience in the media sector in Kosovo, Thaçi Mehmeti has become one of the strongest voices in critical and investigative journalism, with work that has directly influenced important social, political, and human rights issues.

Thaçi Mehmeti began her journalism career in 2005 at Kohavision, where she stood out for her analytical style, bold approach, and in-depth reporting. For nearly fifteen years, she worked as a journalist and author, also contributing to the political show Rubikon with Adriatik Kelmendi and the documentary Cosmo. Her continuous work led her to complex investigations, often in areas that touched corruption, rights violations, and phenomena of social marginalization.

Thaçi Mehmeti is the co-founder of Kiks Kosova, a media organization that produces investigative programs and documentaries with wide public impact. Since 2020, she has been the author, journalist, and producer of the investigative show Kiks Kosova and the documentary Alibi, broadcast on Klan Kosova five times a week. Through this work, she has built a strong reputation as a journalist who challenges taboos, opens sensitive topics, and gives voice to silent or unheard individuals and communities..

Her contribution has been widely recognised with national and international awards. She is a two-time First Prize winner for Reporting on Poverty from UNDP & AGK (2009, 2016), recipient of the Human Rights Reporting Award from BIRN, ACDC, and the Office of the Ombudsperson (2018), as well as third place in the EU Investigative Reporting Awards for the Western Balkans and Turkey (2019).

She has also received the UNDP Award for Journalism Against Corruption (2019), the “Rexhai Surroi” Award for written journalism (2019), and recognition for reporting during the COVID-19 pandemic from KosovaLive (2020). In 2022, she was honored with the First Prize for Best Reporting on Inter-Community Cohabitation for the documentary The Silence that Killed, awarded by Peaceful Change Initiative and supported by the United Kingdom.

In 2024, Ardiana Thaçi Mehmeti was named Kosovo’s Journalist of the Year by the Association of Journalists of Kosovo.

Throughout her career, Thaçi Mehmeti has worked in high-pressure environments, dealing with sensitive topics and often facing attacks, pressure, and personal risk. Yet she has remained committed to her mission of producing quality, independent, and verified journalism, demonstrating that investigative journalism is a crucial pillar of democracy and public transparency in Kosovo.

She continues to be active in producing new investigations, advocating for women’s rights, and strengthening the standards of independent journalism. Today she is considered one of the most trusted and influential journalists in the country.

WeBalkans: The safety of women in Kosovo remains scarce. There is even more limited knowledge and public discourse produced about the digital/online safety of women. What were the risks you undertook in your process? A short overview of the piece and your investigative process is what we are looking for with this question.

Ardiana Thaçi Mehmeti: The investigation process for the “AlbKings” series began as a standard journalistic inquiry, but very quickly turned into a personal and extremely dangerous situation. Initially, as a newsroom, we had reported on a large group on Telegram that was distributing illegal material — including private data and images of girls and women, even minors. But the investigation took an unexpected turn when my phone number was published in the same group with around 100,000 men. From that moment, the case was no longer just a work topic; it became a direct form of pressure and violence against me.

The first step in my investigative process was going public and documenting every contact. While at work, I recorded every call, message, audio, and video in order to have evidence that would later be necessary for the police and prosecution.

At home, to cope with the psychological pressure, I sought the support of my husband, who often responded to anonymous calls — because the callers would immediately hang up when they heard a male voice. This also became evidence of how these networks functioned.

The main risks during the process were not technical or professional, but emotional and personal. Continuous harassment, calls day and night, and fear of unknown numbers created extraordinary psychological pressure. The danger became even greater when the groups began collecting information about my family, turning the investigation into a battle that affected people who had no connection to my profession. This was the most painful moment and the strongest indication of how deep the problem was.

On the methodological side, parallel to documenting everything, I reported the case to the police immediately. The institutional response was swift and professional, offering protection and treating the case with high priority. To protect myself and others, I made the decision to make everything public. Transparency became my strongest weapon and a call for all women experiencing similar forms of violence not to remain silent.

The publication of the material caused wide reactions: many women reported similar cases, institutions opened investigations, some of the networks were shut down, and perpetrators involved were arrested.

This process clearly showed not only the scale of the phenomenon, but also how fragile the digital safety of women in Kosovo is — and how necessary journalism is that documents and exposes this violence.

The “AlbKings” investigation was a combination of professional documentation, personal resilience, and public exposure, in a landscape where risk was not theoretical but real, constant, and directly targeted at me and my family.

WeBalkans: What are your thoughts on the position of journalism at large in the region today, and especially of investigative journalism?

Ardiana Thaçi Mehmeti: In regions like the Western Balkans, it seems like the need for independent investigative journalism is even more urgent, whereas pressure towards journalists and investigative journalism is at the same time higher and ever-more present. What are your thoughts on this?

The position of journalism in the region, especially investigative journalism, is complex and challenging. In the Western Balkans, the need for independent investigative journalism is more urgent than ever, because phenomena of violence, corruption, cybercrime, and public manipulation are becoming increasingly sophisticated. However, the pressure on journalists is equally high, constant, and often systemic.

My experience with “AlbKings” confirmed this reality. On the one hand, the institutional system responded strongly and seriously. Arrests, the shutdown of groups, and international cooperation — including with the FBI — proved that investigative journalism can trigger concrete action and bring about real change.

But on the other hand, the public reaction and the attacks against me revealed a deeper cultural problem in the region: the Balkan mentality where women are often blamed, even when they are victims. In our patriarchal societies, the victim frequently faces accusation, shaming, or doubt, while the perpetrator is protected by a kind of “male solidarity” on social networks or in anonymous groups. This deeply rooted prejudice makes the work of female journalists even more difficult — especially those dealing with sensitive topics and who challenge this mentality.

Nevertheless, I believe investigative journalism is more essential than ever. It creates transparency, enforces public accountability, and is often the only light that penetrates spaces where power is abused, where women are harmed, and where public safety is endangered. For this reason, despite the risks and pressures, I remain convinced that investigative journalism is one of the strongest tools our society has in the fight against injustice, violence, and mentalities that continue to blame the victim instead of the perpetrator.

EU-Western Balkans summit 2025

Written by WeBalkans on . Posted in News.

The EU and Western Balkans meeting, chaired by President António Costa, provided an opportunity to demonstrate and reconfirm the strength of the EU-Western Balkans strategic relationship and the benefits it brings to citizens.
“Today’s summit has delivered a clear message: we firmly support the Western Balkans’ future in the European Union. Enlargement remains central to our shared objectives.” President Costa
The President of the European Council represented the EU at the summit together with the President of the Commission. High Representative Kaja Kallas also attended. A declaration was issued at the end of the EU-Western Balkans summit. All attending partners from the region have aligned with it.

Strategic partnership between the EU and the Western Balkans

The summit highlighted the importance of the close political and economic relationship between the EU and Western Balkans partners, especially in the current geopolitical context and the need for ever-stronger ties between the EU and the Western Balkans. The EU reaffirmed its commitment to the European Union membership perspective of the Western Balkans, and welcomed the progress achieved in the enlargement process.
“The acceleration of the accession process, based on credible reforms by partners, fair and rigorous conditionality and the principle of own merits, is in our mutual interest.” Brussels declaration
The summit underlined the importance of tangible progress on reforms, alignment with the ‘acquis’, regional cooperation, good neighbourly relations and reconciliation. The EU welcomed the Western Balkans partners’ commitment to upholding European values and principles, in line with international law, the primacy of democracy, fundamental rights and values and the rule of law, and expects them to demonstrate this in both words and action by taking ownership and implementing the necessary reforms, notably in the area of fundamentals.
EU-Western Balkans relations

Gradual integration and the Growth Plan

The EU is committed to bringing the Western Balkans partners closer to the EU during the enlargement process.
“Enlargement is a deeply transformational process.  Socioeconomic convergence will anchor their future in the European Union.” President Costa
Their gradual integration, carried out in a reversible and merit-based manner, is ongoing in several policy areas, preparing the ground for accession and bringing concrete benefits for citizens. The EU is expected to welcome concrete progress on the gradual integration of the Western Balkans partners into the EU single market, notably through the Growth Plan for the Western Balkans. Launched in 2023, the Growth Plan aims to further integrate the Western Balkans partners into the EU single market, advance regional economic cooperation, as well as to incentivise the necessary EU-related reforms by providing up to €6 billion for reforms and investments.
“EU calls for making the most of the unprecedented opportunities provided by the Growth Plan through timely implementation of reforms.” Brussels declaration
The Growth Plan has the potential to accelerate economic growth in the region over the next decade and to speed up socioeconomic convergence between the Western Balkans and the EU, provided that the partners implement the EU-related reforms. The EU is the Western Balkans’ primary and most reliable partner. It is the region’s main trading partner, investor and donor.
EU-Western Balkans investment and trade

Foreign affairs and security and defence

The EU underscored the importance of the alignment with the EU’s Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), including the implementation and enforcing of the EU’s restrictive measures and countering circumvention. This remains a strong expression of a partner’s strategic choice. The EU also welcomed partners’ contributions to the EU’s CDSP missions and operations. EU and Western Balkans leaders reiterated that they stand united in their unwavering support for and solidarity with Ukraine. Leaders also discussed cooperation:
  • in the areas of security and defence, notably through the European Peace Facility and the launch of security and defence dialogues
  • in building resilience to hybrid and cyber threats to counter foreign information manipulation and interference

Connectivity

The EU welcomed the strengthening of connectivity within the region and with the EU in energy, and transport. The EU will continue to support ongoing efforts to diversify the sources and routes of energy supplies, and to contribute to the energy transition in the Western Balkans.

Cooperation in migration management and combating organised crime and corruption

The EU and the Western Balkans have a shared responsibility for addressing common challenges. While progress has been made, further action is needed by the Western Balkans partners to fully align their visa policy with the EU, to combat the smuggling of migrants and trafficking in human beings, and to further strengthen border management, asylum and reception systems and returns to countries of origin. Leaders also discussed joint efforts on the fight against corruption, drug trafficking and organised crime, as well as preventing and countering terrorism and violent extremism.

Background information

The summit is part of the implementation of the European Council’s 2024-2029 strategic agenda. Regular EU-Western Balkans summits have been held since 2018. The latest summit between EU and Western Balkans leaders took place in Brussels in December 2024. The next summit will take place in June 2026 in Montenegro.

EU and Western Balkans partners take further steps to implement initiative for fast-track lanes

Written by WeBalkans on . Posted in News.

This morning, Commissioner for Enlargement Marta Kos witnessed the signature of three bilateral operational agreements strengthening custom cooperation between the customs administrations of Albania, Moldova, and North Macedonia with Greece, Bulgaria and Italy. The memoranda, which form part of the EU Moldova Growth Plan and the EU–Western Balkans Green Lanes initiative, led by the Transport Community and Central European Free Trade Agreement (CEFTA), aim at reducing waiting times at border crossings and facilitating the movement of goods.

The three new agreements build on existing bilateral memoranda already in place at other borders between partners in the region. The provisions on customs data exchange between EU and non-EU countries can only be put in place when the necessary EU legal framework is established and the EU Customs Reform will be in place.

In parallel, the EU has also made available €54 million to invest in 11 priority border crossing points ensuring smoother transit of goods. This is a concrete step in the gradual integration of Western Balkans partners into the EU’s single market, as foreseen in the EU’s Growth Plan for the Western Balkans adopted in 2023.

Reflections from the student seminar in Poland

Written by WeBalkans on . Posted in YEA Blogs.

Written by Jana Andreska, Young European Ambassador from North Macedonia

The Fifth Edition of the “Remembrance, Understanding, Future” seminar took place on 22 – 29 October in Krzyżowa and Wrocław. The seminar is a joint initiative of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Poland, the Federal Foreign Office of the Federal Republic of Germany, and the “Krzyżowa” Foundation for Mutual Understanding in Europe. In addition to participants from the Western Balkan Six, Poland, and Germany, this year’s seminar also welcomed participants from Bulgaria and Croatia, bringing together a total of 30 participants from 10 countries for the 2025 edition.

I had the privilege of attending this seminar as a representative of the YEA Network, and the experience was far more inspiring than I had imagined. In this blog, I want to share some of the lessons I learned, the moments that stayed with me, and why this seminar left such a lasting impression.

LESSONS FROM HISTORY: The path toward Polish-German reconciliation

The student seminar aimed to present the experience of the Polish-German reconciliation process after World War II overcoming a difficult and traumatic past, and to emphasize contemporary examples of Polish-German dialogue, while highlighting the lessons that youth from the Balkan countries can learn from the successful Polish-German example of cooperation and reconciliation, despite a burdensome history.

On our first day, in the lecture “Polish-German Relations 1939 -1989 – 2025,” presented by Dr. Tomasz Skonieczny, Deputy Head of the European Academy at the Krzyżowa Foundation, we explored key historical developments as well as several landmark moments remembered today as important steps toward reconciliation, moments marked by remorse, and gratitude.

One of the first attempts of reconciliation after the tragedies of the Second World War was the Letter of Reconciliation of the Polish Bishops to the German Bishops in 1965, which marked a historic moment in post-war Europe. Commonly referred to by its most memorable phrase, “We forgive and ask for forgiveness”.

Following, on 7 December 1970, Chancellor Willy Brandt and Polish Prime Minister Jozef Cyrankiewicz signed the Warsaw Treaty. Before signing the treaty, Brandt laid a wreath at the Monument to the Unknown Soldier and at the Monument to the Victims of the Warsaw Ghetto. Unexpectedly, after laying down the wreath, Chancellor Brandt knelt on both knees as a symbol of penance and remorse. As the Chancellor rises to his feet, he has made history. From this day on, the world will talk about the ‘Kniefall von Warschau’ (‘the Genuflection of Warsaw’).

At the beginning of the 80s, in Western Germany a spontaneous action was organized in support of the activities of the “Solidarity” movement. Also, civil society played an essential part in the Polish-German reconciliation. Endless NGOs were involved in activities and projects bridging the two nations together. Youth camps, historical tours, exchange programs and joint projects contributed to a shared sense of community.

In the following lectures, we turned our focus to the development of the Polish-German history textbook, guided by a lecture and discussion with Prof. Igor Kąkolewski, Director of the Centre for Historical Research of the Polish Academy of Sciences in Berlin. In 1972, the German-Polish Textbook Commission was established. Comprising historians, geographers, and educational specialists from both countries, the Commission aimed to confront and replace distorted narratives with historically accurate and balanced interpretations. In 2008, it initiated work on the “Joint German-Polish History Book,” a groundbreaking project intended to create a shared perspective on European and national history. This long-term cooperation resulted in the publication of the first volume in 2016, titled “Europe – Our History.”

WHERE HISTORY LIVES: Learning through places of memory

In addition to thematic lectures and interactive discussions, study visits to historical sites contributed to the seminar’s dynamic nature. During our stay in Wrocław, we explored the Four Denominations District, had a reception at the Consulate General of the Federal Republic of Germany, as well as a guided tour of the ‘Wrocław 1945 – 2016’ exhibition at the Zajezdnia History Centre.”

Wroclaw was the biggest city in Poland’s Western Territories that came within Poland’s borders after World War II and where the entire exchange of the population took place as a result of post-war migrations from 1945. The most impressive sight was seeing many little gnomes adorning the city’s landscape. As adorable as they are, these Polish gnomes carry a deeper significance. They serve as mini memorials to Poland’s Orange Alternative resistance – an underground anti-communist movement active in cities across Poland during the 1980s.

We continued our journey in Krzyżowa, located in the region of Lower Silesia, about 60 km to the south west of Wrocław. The village also became notable due to a significant historical event: the Reconciliation Mass, held in the courtyard of today’s meeting centre on 12 November 1989.

For me, our stay in Krzyżowa truly showed the spirit of connection among youth, built in the peaceful atmosphere of the village.

Our visit to Gross-Rosen in the following days left a deep emotional impact, reminding us of the human suffering endured there. Today, the Gross-Rosen Memorial site serves as a place of remembrance and education, providing a comprehensive understanding of the camp’s history and its role in the Holocaust.

As our final destination, we visited the twin cities of Görlitz and Zgorzelec, a perfect culmination of our journey, where we could see firsthand the inspiring results. Görlitz in Germany and Zgorzelec in Poland are two cities divided by the Neisse River, forming a unique cross-border urban area just across the bridge. When you walk or drive across, you might not even notice that you have just crossed the border if you don’t pay attention to the language on the signs. In Görlitz, we met with students from Augustum-Annen-Gymnasium, who presented their bilingual-binational German-Polish educational programme, as well as listened to presentations from local authorities about cooperation, reconciliation and cultural exchange of the two cities.

CONCLUSION

As a Young European Ambassador and political science student this seminar was a valuable opportunity for me to engage in the themes of history, reconciliation and critical reflection, not only an act of remembrance but as a way to inspire active youth participation in peacebuilding. 

Through lectures, discussions, late-night debrief sessions, eating pierogi, exploring the culture and history of the cities, laughter, tears and everything in between, this program became rich not only in knowledge but also in memories, friendships, and hope.

Reconciliation cannot succeed without the human touch, without empathy, and without building trust by learning first from the past rather than being trapped by it. That, above all, was the true message of the seminar.